Approaches to Paul

Approaches to Paul: A Student’s Guide to Recent Scholarship by Magnus Zetterholm has been added to the Bibliography. Links have also been added to reviews by Nijay Gupta and David G. Horrell in the Review of Biblical Literature in the category Around the Web: Book Reviews.

On Earth, Not in Heaven: Paul’s Scriptures and the Political Salvation of Israel in Romans 9 – 11

by Mark Reasoner, Bethel University, St. Paul, MN
AAR/SBL Meeting, November 18, 2006, Washington, DC

The gospel, which Paul celebrated and described in his letters, certainly has a political edge to it, since Paul describes this gospel’s effects with language used in imperial propaganda. And if the message Paul preaches was pre-gospelled to Abraham in the scriptures (Galatians 3:8) or promised beforehand through his prophets in the holy writings (Romans 1:2), it follows that Paul’s citations and readings of his scriptures are politically charged activities.

By “political” I mean concerned with the flourishing life of corporeal Israel in its land. And when we examine the scriptures that bracket and form much of the grist for chapters 9 – 11 of Romans, we see that they witness to a political view of salvation that would evoke in the letter’s first-century hearers a scenario in which the nation of Israel would enjoy the benefits of God’s covenants to them not in heaven, but on this earth.

With that definition stated, I now need to reject two inferences some may make as they hear this paper. First, I am not concerned with any application of the text of Romans 11:26-27 with the political state of Israel founded in 1948. Second, I do not accept the idea that Paul viewed Israel as still in exile while he was writing his letters. This cannot be proven and should not be accepted. Still, when one reads Romans against the political propaganda of the principate, a general impression emerges that Paul did not endorse Augustus’ claim to have brought obedience to the nations and that Paul did not think that Israel under Rome was Israel’s destiny.

We may first observe that Romans 9-11 is bracketed by concern for the political situation of its implied audience. Romans 8:18-25 contains Paul’s reworking of Roman eschatology, looking for the renewal of the earth not in the Augustan age of peace and religious renewal, or the hope that can be seen, the deified spes (hope) celebrated by Roman emperors when an heir was born, but hope in something only God can bring through the Spirit of God. In this paragraph Paul presents an eschatological vision that runs counter to the Augustan eschatology offered by Virgil, articulated in the layout of statues in the Augustan forum, repeated in the millennial language of Calpurnius Siculus in the reign of Nero and celebrated on the coins of Rome. Paul asserts, in contrast to the principate’s propaganda of a new world order and a vision of eschatological plenty, that creation is subjected to futility, waiting for the revelation of the sons of God (8:19), waiting to be freed from slavery of corruption to the glorious freedom of children of God (8:21). Jews or Gentile synagogue-attenders who heard this language would first think of the Jews’ freedom from bondage to Rome. This would be present in any recital of the Passover liturgy, and any reference to a new vision of “the sons of God” or freedom for the “children of God” would evoke ideas of a salvation for the people of Abraham from Rome.

But what about 8:23, that says we await the redemption of our body? Even if we consider ourselves enlightened enough not to read this with Platonic lenses, we still read it as redemption from the flesh, connecting the sōma here with the sōma of 6:12 and 7:24. This is probably correct; Paul seems to move from an eager expectation for the revelation of a freed Jewish people (8:18-22) to a hope-filled eschatology for the “saints” (8:23-27), marked by the “Not only, but even” that begins 8:23.

Then after setting aside the doctrine of the predestination of the Roman, imperial son of God for a doctrine of predestination of foreknown believers to become like the son of the God of Israel (8:28-30), Paul raises the question of the status of “the elect” (8:31-39). For Paul and his readers, “the elect” has for its first connotation the people of Israel. Paul lists the threats to the corporate existence of “the elect,” pausing after “the sword” to quote in Romans 8:36 from a national lament psalm (LXX Ps 43:23/ET Ps 44:22).[1] The quotation raises more questions than it answers, since those suffering are righteous ones suffering with God’s full knowledge. The psalm itself ends with a request for redemption based on God’s steadfast love, but no answer is given from God. The preceding survey of the political resonances in Romans chapter 8 is not exhaustive, but is enough to show that the question of Israel’s status in the world does not begin at Romans 9. It is thoroughly in view at least by Romans 8:18, after having been signaled already at 3:3-6 as a topos demanding attention.

The quotation in Romans 8:36 from a national lament psalm (LXX Psalm 43) provides the introduction to Paul’s own lament over his people. Indeed the genre of Romans 9-11 is best identified as a lament psalm, for in it Paul laments and explores the dissonance between his perception of God’s promises and the condition of his people. And like many of the canonical lament psalms, Romans 9-11 ends with an irrational stanza of praise to God, celebrating in supra-historical fashion that God will effect salvation for God’s people in the end.

But what exactly is Paul lamenting? He does not tell us what Israel’s problem is in the opening of this section; it is simply assumed that the readers understand why Paul would have unceasing grief for his “brothers and sisters, [his] kin according to the flesh, who are Israelites, whose is the adoption and the glory and the covenants and the law and the worship and the promises, whose are the fathers and from whom is the Messiah according to the flesh” (9:3-5).

Within chapters 9-11, the contexts of the scriptural quotations and the images used (Esau, Pharaoh, potter and vessels, stumbling stone, olive tree) all include the political dimension of Israel’s plight in the world. Paul is not merely concerned that Israel is not believing in Jesus, a problem that is not fully articulated until 10:16—“But not all have obeyed the gospel”; in some way Paul considers that the separation he perceives between his people and Christ have led to their political malaise. Based on the scriptures Paul uses to process this problem, Paul considers the “salvation” of Israel for which he prays to include political autonomy and health for his people as a nation.

When we come to examine the scriptures that form the skeletal, weight-bearing structure of Romans 9-11, we find that most of them are pointedly political. After the references to the Abraham and Sarah narratives in Romans 9:7, 9, Paul includes a reference to the older serving the younger (Genesis 25:23), a text that fits with a number of politically-charged comparisons of Jacob and Esau. Lest there be any mistake and we miss the national dimensions of the Jacob and Esau comparison, Paul follows up with a quotation of Malachi 1:2-3, which comes from the introduction to a prophetic text that is clearly concerned with the homeland of the Jews and its place among the nations of the earth.[2]

Who is Esau or Edom in first-century Jewish consciousness? In the rabbinic literature of the tannaitic period, Esau is Rome. G. Cohen has dated the earliest rabbinic connection between Edom/Esau and Rome to be Rabbi Akiba ben Joseph in the second century CE, and Carol Bakhos in her recent book, Ishamel on the Border: Rabbinic Portrayals of the First Arab, concurs.[3] Still, we may note in 4th Ezra 3:16, the author says to God, “And you set apart Jacob for yourself, but Esau you rejected.” Edom is famous in the scriptures for living by the sword (Genesis 27:40), and the sword is definitely a concern of Paul in this letter (Romans 8:35; 13:4), inevitably connoting Rome in the imagery of the early Empire. Rome, as Edom, lived by the sword.[4] I cannot prove that Paul has the Edom-Rome connection firmly in mind here, since that connection is not established in other literature until the next century. “Edom” and “Esau” might only invoke the Herod family in first-century hearers’ minds. But it is noteworthy that Paul follows the reference to Esau with a reference to Pharaoh, and both countries are linked to Rome in a Passover homily in the Pesikta de Rab Kahana: “As with Egypt He took each of the chiefest among them and slew them, so, too, with Edom: A great slaughter in the land of Edom, among them to come down shall be the Remim (Isaiah 34:6-7), that is, as R. Meier expounded it—among those to come down shall be the Romans [pre-eminent among all the peoples of Edom].”[5]

Why the reference to Pharaoh as someone God raised up (9:17, quoting Exodus 9:16)? The connection between the Roman emperor and the ancient Pharaohs of Egypt was closer than we typically assume. The Ptolemies were granted Pharaonic titles by Egypt’s priestly caste and her bureaucracy, and Roman emperors also were depicted with Pharaonic traditions.[6] Did Paul know that the Roman emperor was equated with Pharaoh? I cannot prove this. Suffice it to say that today, the link between the princeps and Pharaoh in Egypt is conclusive in the material evidence. On the walls of the temple of Dendur (Tuzis), now reassembled in the Sackler Wing of the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York, Augustus is depicted as a pious Pharaoh offering sacrifices to Egyptian gods.[7] The large statue from Karnak on the right at the end of corridor G49 in the Egyptian Museum in Cairo is of a Pharaoh who is identified either as Ptolemy V or Augustus. While not Pharaonic, the Egyptian connection to the imperial cult is also amply evidenced by Claudius’s request to have the golden statue from Alexandra called the Klaudiakē Eirēnē Sebastē brought to Rome.[8] Deir el-Shelwit, a temple from the second half of the first century, depicts Galba, Otho, Vespasian and Domitian as Pharaohs.[9] Paul is continuing here in Romans 9 the consideration of the election of the Roman emperor. While I cannot prove that the equation between the Egyptian Pharaoh and the Roman emperor would be transparent to the first hearers of this letter, anyone celebrating the Passover in Rome would make that connection.[10] In chapter 8 he insists that Jesus is the one who is elected as son of God, and others are elected to be conformed to the image of the son. Here in chapter 9 he is more closely examining the idea of God’s election of the pagan ruler. This is surely Paul’s answer to the common first-century theme that the Roman emperor is predestined by the gods to rule the world.[11] Paul’s answer is that God has raised up the Roman emperor as he raised up Pharaoh, in order to show God’s power and magnify God’s name. Paul’s concern tracks with the prophets he is quoting, who also wondered how God could raise up evil, foreign rulers and accomplish divine purposes for his chosen people through them. This reading of the Pharaoh as indicative of foreign rule over the Jews fits with the following context through the “vessels of wrath” phrase.

The potter and clay analogy, which continues through the “vessels of wrath fit for destruction” phrase of 9:22, evokes imagery of God working with foreign rulers in a pursuit of the mysterious fulfillment of his plans for the Jews. Jeremiah glosses his potter’s vessels with “a nation or kingdom” (Jeremiah 18:7-9). Or if one goes to the actual site of Paul’s potter quotation, Isaiah 45:9, one can see that it is immediately followed by a defense of God’s raising up of Cyrus (Isaiah 45:13) with the ultimate goal of the salvation of Israel, who will never be put to shame (Isaiah 45:17).

Regarding “the vessels of wrath” in 9:22, it is more consistent with Paul’s preceding context (Pharaoh quotation) and with his quotations later in this chapter from Isaiah 10, to view the vessels of wrath as foreign powers given political power over God’s chosen people. John A. Battle, Jr. has helpfully pointed out that all of Paul’s quotations from the prophets in Romans 9, with the one exception of Isaiah 45:9, all depict the time of Assyria’s looming conquest of Israel.[12] In Isaiah 10, from which Paul quotes in Romans 9:27-28, Assyria is God’s rod, and their own club is God’s fury. It is significant that in Isaiah 10 not only rod (5, 15, 24) and club (5) are used but also ax (15, 34), saw (15), staff (24), whip (26, belonging to God) and yoke (27). Assyria as a foreign power is linked to Egypt in Isaiah 10:24, just as Paul has quotations regarding Pharaoh and Assyria in this chapter. While there is not an exact verbal quotation of Paul’s phrase skeuē orgēs (“vessels of wrath”) in Isaiah 10, it is significant that in LXX Isaiah 10:28, the Assyrian enemy places his skeuē in Michmash, on his way to Jerusalem. The enemy is showing wrath, but will ultimately experience God’s wrath when God works salvation—political deliverance—for God’s people.[13]

The famous use of Deuteronomy 30:12-14 in Romans 10:6-8 is definitely a christological gloss. But does it point to life in heaven? The context of the text in Deuteronomy 30 is clearly about a this-worldly political flourishing of Israel. The following quotations from Isaiah, Joel and the song of Moses (Deuteronomy 32) in the following context of Romans 10 all deal with the political deliverance of Israel.

In Romans 11:1, Paul insists that God has not rejected his people, offering himself as an example of an Israelite who is still among the remnant. This personal argument that Paul makes raises the question of what sort of political allegiances Paul the Pharisee would hold. Were Pharisees apolitical, simply applying and internalizing the purity laws whatever the political climate? This is a possible reading. Or was Paul sympathetic to the Pharisee Zaddok, whom Judas of Gamala enlisted in a rebellion against Rome at the end of Archelaus’ tenure over Judea?[14] And if the Psalms of Solomon have Pharisaic roots, we would expect Pharisees to be politically engaged against Roman dominance.[15] The question of Paul’s Pharisaic identity in relation to his political posture toward Rome needs further exploration.

In Romans 11:12, the “wealth of the nations” has a very material connotation when it comes in Paul’s scriptures. Yes, Paul is reworking it to include the idea that Israel’s unbelief has prompted the wealth of the nations, but based on the blessing Paul assumes will come back to Israel at the end of verse 12 and in verses 14-16, it is clear that Paul has still retained his scriptures’ idea that the wealth of the nations will flow into Israel.

With this survey of Paul’s scriptures in mind, his assertion that all Israel shall be saved in 11:26 must speak primarily of the political health of a thriving nation on this earth. In his supporting quotation, Paul says that the redeemer will come from Zion. Why does Paul say “come from Zion” in Romans 11:27, when Isaiah 59:20 has “come to Zion”? This is also what we see in Isaiah 52:8—“Listen! Your sentinels lift up their voices, together they sing for joy; for in plain sight they see the return of the LORD to Zion.”

Ross Wagner has helpfully laid out the possible lemmas for Paul’s quotation of Isaiah 59:20.[16] Of special note is that the Masoretic text’s “to/for Zion” is in Paul’s quotation “from Zion.” Is Paul’s ek simply a contraction of heneken in the LXX? This is a possibility. Paul’s quotation might also be influenced by such texts as Isaiah 2:3, where the nomos kai logos kuriou will come ex Ierousalēm. In this last phrase of Isaiah’s verse, the morpheme ek is found three times. Perhaps Paul’s ek simply appears by attraction to such a text as this. If Christ the redeemer is the telos nomou, and if the nomos was supposed to come out of Zion, then Christ the redeemer must also come out of Zion. In addition, the political dangers of predicting that a redeemer would come to Zion might sound too controversial in Rome. Would this mean that a general aspiring to imperial rule would start his campaign by liberating Jerusalem from Nero? Better just to say that the redeemer would come out of Zion.

The salvation is then defined as the forgiveness of sins. While this sounds to Christian ears as entirely spiritual, having as its goal life with God in heaven, it would not necessarily sound this way to careful LXX readers. In the hymn of Zecharias in Luke 2 that is thoroughly influenced by the LXX, he juxtaposes rescue from enemies with forgiveness of sins (Luke 1:74, 77). In addition the Psalms of Solomon link forgiveness of sins with the political health of the nation, as we see in Psalm of Solomon 9:6-9; 10:1-8. Paul’s lament over Israel, like the lament psalms of his own scriptures, thus ends with a stubborn insistence that God will save God’s people in the end, and ends with praise to God.

The concluding bracket of this section, Romans chapters 12-15, also contains signals of concern over Roman dominance. In chapter 12, Paul writes that people are not to work vengeance. From here he explains why a human government that works vengeance can still be obeyed (13:1-7). Readers have long noted the abrupt topic change in 13:1. Why does Paul mention government here? The most adequate explanation is that government has been in view since the middle of Romans 8. Augustan eschatology and the doctrine of imperial predestination are reversed in that chapter. Paul’s scriptures and the imagery he uses in chapters 9-11 also evoke to first century ears an assertion from below that the Roman dominance over God’s chosen people, the Jews, cannot stand forever. Romans 13:1-7 then becomes a pro forma endorsement of the status quo for the safety of the letter’s readers and a subtle reconfiguration of imperial theology.

Paul quotes from a national lament psalm after ending his first list of threats in Romans 8 with the word “sword.” Then in his explicit discussion of the governing powers, Paul warns that Rome does not bear the sword in vain (Rom 13:4). In the context of propaganda from Nero’s reign, this is a direct subversion of the peace language evoked by Calpurnius Siculus who repeatedly emphasizes the end of sword-wielding by Rome: “Amid a secure peace, the Golden Age springs to a second birth, at last kindly Themis [Greek goddess of justice/righteousness], throwing off the gathered dust of her mourning, returns to the earth; blissful ages attend the youthful prince . . . He, a very God, shall rule the nations, the unholy War-Goddess shall yield and have her vanquished hands bound behind her back, and, stripped of weapons, turn her furious teeth into her own entrails . . . All wars shall be quelled in Tartarean durance . . . Fair peace shall come . . . Clemency has commanded every vice that wears the disguise of peace to go far away; she has broken every maddened sword-blade . . . Quietness [Loeb has “peace”] in her fullness shall come; knowing not the drawn sword, she shall renew once more the reign of Saturn in Latium, once more the reign of Numa who first taught the tasks of peace to armies that rejoiced in slaughter . . . Numa who first hushed the clash of arms and bade the trumpet sound ‘mid holy rites instead of war.”[17] In contrast to the poet’s insistence that Rome under Nero is not using a drawn sword, Paul insists that sword is a real danger (8:35) that the Roman government most definitely still wields (13:4).

Consider the political edge of these verses from Isaiah 49, the chapter from which Paul quotes in Romans 14:11 (note that Paul alludes to Isaiah 49:10 in Romans 9:16, according to the Nestle apparatus, “Loci Citati vel Allegati”).

Thus says the Lord GOD: I will soon lift up my hand to the nations, and raise my signal to the peoples; and they shall bring your sons in their bosom, and your daughters shall be carried on their shoulders. Kings shall be your foster fathers, and their queens your nursing mothers. With their faces to the ground they shall bow down to you, and lick the dust of your feet. Then you will know that I am the LORD; those who wait for me shall not be put to shame (Isaiah 49:22-23).

At the end of the letter’s argument, the scriptural quotations found in 15:9-12 from the song of Moses, the Psalms and Isaiah also challenge Roman dominance over Israel, since they envision Messiah, his people, and the nations, praising the God of Israel, who has reinstated “the root of Jesse” to rule over the nations who hope in this Davidic king. The God of hope is invoked in blessing at the end of the scriptural catena as an alternative to the deified hope (spes) celebrated on Claudius’ coins.

Romans 15:10 quotes the first part of Deuteronomy 32:43. The verse as found in Deuteronomy concludes with a political edge: “Rejoice O nations, with His people; For he will avenge the blood of his servants, And will render vengeance on his adversaries, And will atone for his land and his people.”

All Christians have ideas that salvation affects conditions on the earth, but they differ on how this salvation works out on earth. The hope of an afterlife and heaven and the idea that the main content/result of being saved is life in heaven has as a central point of utility for most people that it allows them to cooperate and accept one another even when they disagree about what salvation on earth means. This deferment of salvation to an afterlife remains useful, but should not eclipse our recognition that in the first century, “all Israel shall be saved” must primarily connote the flourishing life of corporeal Israel in its land.

Notes

[1] Cf. also Psalm of Solomon 15:6-7: “For God’s mark is on the righteous for (their) salvation. Famine and sword and death shall be far from the righteous; for they will retreat from the devout like those pursued by famine.”

[2] See Malachi 1:5 (“Great is the LORD beyond the borders of Israel!”), 11 (“my name is great among the nations, . . . my name is great among the nations, says the LORD of hosts”); 4:6 (“. . . lest I come and strike the land with a curse”).

[3] Gershon Cohen, “Esau As Symbol in Early Medieval Thought,” in Studies in the Variety of Rabbinic Cultures (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1991), 245 as found in Carol Bakhos, Ishamel on the Border: Rabbinic Portrayals of the First Arab (Albany: SUNY), 63-64.

[4] See Virgil, Aen. 10.372-373: ferro rumpenda per hostis est via, “’Tis the sword must hew a way through the foe” LCL, H. Rushton Fairclough, trans. (London: William Heinemann/Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press), 1954.

[5] Pesikta de-Rab Kahana:  Rab Kahana’s Compilation of Discourses for Sabbaths and Festal Days, trans. William G. Braude and Israel J. Kapstein (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America), 1975, Piska 7.11 (page 152).

[6] J. Rufus Fears, Princeps A Diis Electus: The Divine Election of the Emperor as a Political Concept at Rome (Rome: American Academy in Rome), 1977, 20, 70-71.

[7] Roger S. Bagnall and Dominic W. Rathbone, eds., Egypt from Alexander to the Early Christians (Los Angeles: J. Paul Getty Museum), 2004, 247-248.

[8] Stefan Weinstock “Pax and the Ara Pacis,” JRS 50 (1960): 50, citing Letter of Claudius to the Alexandrians, Pap. Lond. 1912, lines 34 and following.

[9] Bagnall and Rathbone, Egypt 197.

[10] On the Egypt – Rome connection, note also the interpretation of Revelation 11:8 as designating Rome. The first corrector of Sinaiticus added kai eggus ho potamos (“and near the river”) right after Sodom, connecting Egypt to the city of Babylon and hence to Rome. Oecoumenius takes it as Jerusalem as does Andrew of Caesarea, but Hoskier lists other manuscripts that add Babylon after Egypt. These would thus also link “Egypt” to Rome.

[11] J. Rufus Fears, Princeps a Diis Electus: The Divine Election of the Emperor As a Political Concept at Rome (Rome: American Academy in Rome), 1977.

[12] John A. Battle, Jr., “Paul’s Use of the Old Testament in Romans 9:25-26,” Grace Theological Journal 2/1 (1981): 124.

[13] Battle, “Paul’s Use” 127.

[14] Josephus, Jewish Antiquities 18.4.

[15] R. B. Wright, “Psalms of Solomon,” in James H. Charlesworth, ed. Old Testament Pseudepigrapha Volume 2 (Garden City, New York: Doubleday), 1985, 642.

[16] J. Ross Wagner, Heralds of the Good News: Isaiah and Paul “in Concert” in the Letter to the Romans Supplements to Novum Testamentum 51 (Leiden: Brill), 2002, 280-286.

[17] Calpurnius Siculus, Eclogue 1.42-68 in Minor Latin Poets, trans. by J. Wight Duff and Arnold M. Duff, Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press/London: William Heinemann), 1961.

Justification: God’s Plan and Paul’s Vision

A link to Justification: God’s Plan and Paul’s Vision by N.T. Wright as reviewed by V. George Shillington in the Review of Biblical Literature has been added to the category Around the Web: Book Reviews.

Latest Update

A link to Creation and Covenant by N.T. Wright, an excerpt from his book Paul: In Fresh Perspective, has been added to the category Around the Web: From the New Perspective.

Interdisciplinary Academic Seminar: New Perspectives on Paul and the Jews

In September of 2009, the Katholieke Universiteit Leuven hosted an interdisciplinary academic seminar on Paul and Judaism. What follows is a report of the seminar by Thomas A. Vollmer, a doctoral student of the new perspective on Paul at K.U. Leuven:

The Seminar took place on 14-15 September 2009 at the Faculty of Theology, K.U.Leuven, in the Conference Room of the Pope Adrian VI College. Prof. Lieven Boeve, Dean of the Faculty, welcomed the participants and guests. Prof. Reimund Bieringer, convenor of the Seminar, chaired the morning session.

Daniel Langton, Lecturer at the University of Manchester, had offered a paper entitled Some Historical Observations Regarding the Emergence of a Jewish Interest in the Apostle Paul and its Relation to Christian Pauline Authorship. Due to last minute conflicts in schedule, Langton was unable to personally attend so Emmanuel Nathan, doctoral researcher and co-organizer of the Seminar, read out the paper. The paper provided a historical overview of Jewish interest in Pauline scholarship.

The second paper was by Michael Bird, NT Tutor at Highland Theological College, entitled Salvation in Paul’s Judaism. Bird concentrated on Paul’s identity and whether or not Paul considered himself within or without Judaism. He considered the topic of salvation in Paul and how it relates to Paul’s Judaism.

Mark Nanos, Lecturer at Rockhurst University and the University of Kansas read the paper, Paul’s Relationship to the Torah in Light of His Strategy ‘to become Everything to Everyone’ (1 Corinthians 9:19-22). In it he argued that Paul needs to be read outside of traditional understandings and more in line with Paul’s Jewish background. He posited a method of rhetorical adaptability against a traditional understanding of lifestyle adaptability in the exegesis of 1 Cor 9,19-22.

 The afternoon session was chaired by Didier Pollefeyt, co-convenor of the Seminar. Philip Cunningham, Professor of Catholic-Jewish Relations at Saint Joseph’s University, read the paper Paul’s Letters and the Relationship between the People of Israel and the Church Today. He set forth the Catholic position on Jewish-Christian dialogue in relation to Nostra Aetate and its use of Romans 9-11. He advanced a hermeneutical approach to dealing with problematic texts that should consider the texts in the perspective of Paul’s Jewishness.

Hans-Joachim Sander, Professor of Dogmatics at Universität Salzburg, read the paper Sharing God with Others or Dividing God from Powerlessness – A Late-Modern Challenge by the Heterotopian Experience in the New Paul. He discussed the relation of the New Perspective on Paul with the new philosophies on Paul. He discussed power relations and powerlessness and advanced a proposal to consider Paul in heterotopian perspective.

John Pawlikoski, Professor of Ethics at the Catholic Theological Union, entitled his paper A Christian-Jewish Dialogical Model in Light of New Research on Paul’s Relationship to Judaism. In it he proposed a paradigm to adequately describe the relationship between Christianity and Judaism. He surveyed current attempts at single and double covenant understandings and showed the limitations therein and he posited a sort of “path” approach to dialogue.

 David Bolton, doctoral researcher and co-organizer of the Seminar, chaired the morning session of the second day.

Anne-Marie Reijnen, Professor of Dogmatic and Systematic Theology at the Faculteit voor Protestantse Godgeleerdheid te Brussel, presented a paper entitled Cosmos and Creation in Paul’s Letter to the Romans, in the Company of Some Contemporary Authors. She examined cosmic language in Paul and while concentration was on the ecological consciousness of Rom 8,19-22, she pulled the ecological motif into the binary scansion of ‘Jew first and also the Greek’.

Thomas Blanton IV, Visiting Assistant Professor of Religion at Luther College, read the paper Paul’s Covenantal Language in 2 Cor 2:14-7:4. He focused on the question of covenant in Paul and how it interacts with Paul’s new creation language. He sees Paul in continuity with his Jewish tradition and any opposition in the text was directed toward opponents and not Judaism.

Michael Bachmann, NT Professor at Universität Siegen, read the paper Paul, Israel, and the Gentiles: Hermeneutical and Exegetical Notes. He discussed various points of view on the contentious issue of erga nomou (“works of the law”) and concluded that Paul was not speaking in discontinuous terms of the phrase, but rather in the deeds of the law.

 The afternoon session, chaired by Emmanuel Nathan, offered two papers. The first read by William Campbell, Reader in Biblical Studies at University of Wales Lampeter, was entitled Covenant, Creation and Transformation in Paul. The paper centered on the methodological approach of comparison rather than contrast and argued that covenantal language should be read in light of Judaism. For Paul, Jews who accept Jesus are still in covenant different from Gentiles who accept Jesus.

Hans Hermann Henrix, Director emeritus of the Catholic Academy of the Diocese of Aachen, presented the paper Paul at the Point of Intersection Between Continuity and Discontinuity – On Paul’s Place in Early Judaism and Christianity as well as in Christian-Jewish Dialogue Today. He provided a synthesis of the papers presented and the showed the major issues confronting Pauline exegesis and its relation to contemporary Christian-Jewish dialogue.

The Seminar closed with short reflections by the speakers on their impressions of the two days’ proceedings. Reimund Bieringer ended the Seminar with closing remarks and reflections for future research trajectories. The proceedings of the Seminar will be published.

K.U. Leuven
Thomas A. Vollmer

Paul Was Not a Christian: The Original Message of a Misunderstood Apostle

Book Review

Pamela Eisenbaum, HarperSanFrancisco, 2009, 336 pp.

The new perspective on Paul which has completely reoriented Pauline studies over the last thirty years continues not only to inspire new theses, but to highlight still unresolved issues as well. Though arguably the majority of New Testament scholars now embrace E.P. Sanders’ principal observation that Palestinian Judaism was not a religion of legalism, nevertheless little consensus has been achieved over the question of Paul’s relationship with Judaism.

Generally speaking, many scholars working from the new perspective, including most notably James D.G. Dunn and N.T. Wright, have managed to highlight considerable continuity between Paul and Judaism. This trend has been most welcome in the current context of renewed Christian sensitivity to the problem of anti-Semitism. Indeed, one of the key concerns of proponents of the new perspective (myself included) has been to hamstring the anti-Semitic tendency of the traditional paradigm by reframing Paul’s debate with “Judaizers” as an intra-church controversy as opposed to a Christian-Jewish controversy.

The Achilles’ heel of this interpretative move, however, has been forcefully exposed by Jewish interpreters of Paul like Mark Nanos and Pamela Eisenbaum – scholars for whom the new (Christian) perspective on Judaism obviously isn’t so new. While welcoming the recognition that Judaism isn’t a religion of legalism, they point out that the new perspective’s shift of emphasis still tends to denigrate Judaism insofar as what is criticized within the church is still essentially Jewish. Put differently, the negative stereotype of Judaism as legalistic is replaced by a negative stereotype of Judaism as ethnocentric.

One recent proposal being developed by the Faculty of Theology at the Katholieke Universiteit Leuven is a return to a paradigm which stresses discontinuity between Paul and Judaism but doesn’t assume that discontinuity hinders Jewish-Christian dialogue. A very different approach has traditionally been articulated by a smaller group of scholars who have generally been identified with the new perspective. These scholars – Krister Stendahl, Lloyd Gaston, John Gager, Stanley Stowers, Neil Elliott, Mark Nanos, and Pamela Eisenbaum – situate Paul so firmly within Judaism that discontinuity disappears entirely. In her most recent book, Eisenbaum characterizes their position rather as “a radical new perspective” on Paul.

In a brilliant marketing move guaranteed to raise eyebrows and generate interest, her book is provocatively titled Paul Was Not a Christian. Early on she qualifies this, writing (for example) that:

it is obvious that Paul played a critical role in the development of Christianity and that his letters are regarded as an essential part of the Christian canon. I do not in any way wish to deny Christians their claim on Paul. But in this book Paul is unambiguously Jewish – ethnically, culturally, religiously, morally, and theologically (9).

At first blush, few Christians will dispute the fact that Paul was Jewish and that Christianity had not yet emerged as a distinct religion. However, serious problems arise when that observation is summarily swept aside as a distinction without a difference and Paul’s letters are still treated like a systematic exposition of Christianity. This is where Eisenbaum’s book excels: in methodically and consistently evaluating the key underlying assumptions of the traditional approach to Paul and exposing their weaknesses. At each step the traditional perspective is shown to be anachronistic and untenable. She spends considerable space (the first three chapters) articulating the traditional view before turning to concomitant Jewish approaches and finally the new perspective on Paul in chapter four (“Reading Paul as a Jew – Almost”).

The next three chapters consider postbiblical Judaism with a particular focus on the key questions in the debate on Paul. Chapter five (“Paul’s Jewish Inheritance”) in particular debunks the notion of Torah observance as a legalistic “works-based” scheme. In this context she helpfully diagnoses part of the reason for the misunderstanding. She articulates the problem so well that hopefully this reviewer may be forgiven for quoting her so extensively:

Ancient Judaism is not what one would call a religion of salvation. This is perhaps the most fundamental misconception that informs the Christian view of ancient Judaism. With very few exceptions, Judaism does not focus its attention on personal salvation. Furthermore, Judaism does not articulate the issue of salvation as a question about whether one is saved by works or by faith. …

Christians assume that personal salvation is the fundamental question of religion – all religion. Salvation is so central to Christianity that Christian theologians even came up with a name for the study of salvation: “soteriology.” Therefore, Judaism has typically been evaluated in terms of how salvation is conceptualized and how an individual achieves salvation. …

The traditional Christian understanding of Jewish soteriology is that salvation is earned through “works.” …

Yet, contrary to long-standing stereotypes, ancient Jews did not have a peculiarly excessive interest in law; they did not preoccupy themselves with picayune legal details while neglecting more serious ethical matters. Thus, the idea that Judaism is a religion in which one is “saved by works” is not an accurate characterization. …

The view of Judaism as a religion in which one is “saved by works” carries with it several other misconceptions about Judaism. Of most significance, it denies the important role of grace and repentance in Judaism (88-91).

Also of key importance in this section of Eisenbaum’s book is chapter six (“Who Is and Who Isn’t a Jew?”), in which she considers at some length the criticism that ancient Judaism was exclusionary and xenophobic, and chapter seven (“The Flexible Pharisees”), in which she consistently demonstrates that if anything, the Pharisees were known for being too flexible and permissive, not for being rigid and legalistic. With this background in mind, Eisenbaum moves into the remaining half of her book in which she considers Paul in precisely this Jewish context.

One of the first issues she takes up (and revisits throughout) is the question of whether Paul’s encounter with the risen Christ should best be conceptualized as a “conversion” or a “call” (chapter eight, “Paul the (Ex?)-Pharisee”). Readers who are already familiar with the issue and with Eisenbaum’s earlier work will not be surprised that she goes to some length to emphasize Paul’s continuing identification with his Jewish heritage. On another key question, whether pistis christou should be rendered “faith in Christ” or “the faithfulness of Christ,” she comes down (contra Dunn) firmly on the side of “the faithfulness of Christ” (189-195).

In the remaining chapters Eisenbaum turns to the issues of law and justification in Paul. In chapter twelve (“On the Contrary, We Uphold the Law!”), she articulates four basic principles for interpreting the law in Paul (the fifth is addressed in the final paragraph below):

1)       Paul’s audience is made up of Gentiles, so everything he says about law applies to Gentiles, unless specified otherwise (216-219)

2)      Torah is for Jews but provides a standard for all (219-224)

3)      The law is not meant to condemn humanity; it serves a positive pedagogical function (224-233)

4)      The doing of good works is not the opposite of having faith (233-239)

It is at this point that in drawing out the implications of her previous observations she describes most clearly the distinction between the new perspective on Paul as articulated by scholars like Dunn and Wright and the “radical new perspective” on Paul traditionally associated with the “two-covenant” approach of Gaston, Gager, et al. The last three chapters in particular (208-255) take up this topic. Though the issues are well articulated, this reviewer at least would have liked to see many more details worked out; an extra hundred or so pages might have enabled Eisenbaum to flesh out this perspective in a little more detail, but at least she provides enough interpretative markers to enable readers to sort through particular texts which are not directly addressed.

Simply put, Eisenbaum argues that for Paul, Israel’s justification was already secured by means of the covenant, leaving Gentiles in need of justification through the atonement of Christ since history was fast coming to a close and Gentiles (the nations) stood in dire need of reconciliation (spelled out in some detail in chapter thirteen, “Justification Through Jesus Christ”).

In her final chapter (chapter fourteen, “It’s the End of the World as We Know It”) Eisenbaum reframes the “two-ways salvation” question in what amounts to a postscript on Romans 9-11. Avoiding the language of “two covenants” and (most importantly) dispensing with an individualistic reading of Romans facilitates this restatement:

The starting assumption of the new paradigm is that it is not about personal salvation. Paul’s letter to the Romans is not an answer to the question, How can I be saved? Rather, it is his answer to the question, How will the world be redeemed, and how do I faithfully participate in that redemption? For Paul the question had great urgency, since God had already initiated the process of redemption (252).

She goes on to provide a helpful historical analogy to illustrate why “Torah for Jews, Jesus for Gentiles” need not imply two paths to salvation:

The rabbis did not think non-Jews needed to observe all the commandments of the Torah to be redeemed – in fact, they are decidedly not to observe many of them. The rabbis envisioned the Gentiles’ adhering to a small subset of law, known as the Noahide code. Yet the rabbis did not think this counted as two separate ways to salvation. Both groups are supposed to be in concord with the will of God, both are called to obedience, and in their different roles, both are being faithful to the Torah. … that does not mean there are two different systems of redemption (252, emphasis mine).

Nevertheless, what will likely remain challenging for most interpreters of Paul (this reviewer included) is Eisenbaum’s restatement of the position that Paul was addressing a Gentile audience as opposed to a single community made up of both Jews and Gentiles. Whether this reluctance simply illustrates the degree to which the older paradigm remains entrenched perhaps remains to be seen. To that end, this book deserves widespread consideration.

 Mark M. Mattison

Logos Bible Software Launches Logos 4

Logos Bible Software today announced the release of the newest version of Logos Bible Software, Logos 4. Three years in development, Logos 4 is not simply an upgrade to the previous version of Logos, this is a complete re-imagining of what Bible study software ought to be. It is streamlined, powerful, and uncomplicated—it is the perfect tool for everyone from the seasoned scholar to the man or woman simply wanting to get more from his or her time in God’s word.

With far too many upgrades, features, and resources to cover in a single post, you can visit www.logos.com/4 to see what Logos 4 can do to take your study of the Bible to the next level.

The Paul Page: New and Improved

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Designing and maintaining The Paul Page has been an incredible experience. Ten years ago, I designed a personal web page “dedicated to the new perspective on Paul,” threw up a few articles, and began inserting links to on-line articles on the new perspective. It never occurred to me then that it would eventually become the single most comprehensive on-line resource on the topic.

A lot has changed in those ten years. Neither Pauline scholarship nor technology has stood still. Until last month, I was still trying to keep up with the explosion of on-line material and wrestling with the increasingly difficult task of maintaining web pages with Microsoft Word and uploading them via dial-up (which I’m still on). That arrangement couldn’t have lasted much longer. I’ve known for years (and several of you have said as much) that The Paul Page has been long overdue for a makeover.

That time has finally come!

The Paul Page has now entered into an institutional partnership that will involve a team of editors — no longer will it be simply a personal web site maintained by a single person. I’ve now partnered with the NT Gateway and Logos Bible Software to give The Paul Page a fresh look and content management system to make it easier to keep up-to-date. More importantly, the revised format will better facilitate the broadening of content beyond “the new perspective” which, admittedly, isn’t quite as “new” as it once was.

Despite the makeover and changes, of course, some things will not change — like the importance of your participation and contributions. As always, links, suggestions, and submissions to the ongoing dialogue are most welcome. Thank you for helping The Paul Page to grow and mature over these last ten years, and for helping to take it to the next level in the service of accessible biblical theology for all.

Mark M. Mattison

A Summary of the New Perspective on Paul

by Mark M. Mattison

Unless otherwise noted, all Scripture references are from the New Revised Standard Version.

Depending upon one’s point of view, the current state of Pauline studies is either exciting or alarming. Traditional interpretations of Paul’s letters are being examined afresh with increasing frequency as scholars diligently work to reconstruct Paul’s historical context. The fact that these studies may not corroborate traditional Reformed interpretations can be used to discount the growing consensus or to reconsider contemporary approaches to soteriology.

Of what might such a reconsideration consist? One of the primary features of the traditional Protestant doctrine of justification is an emphasis on the plight of the individual before God, an individual quest for piety apart from concrete social structures. As John Howard Yoder put it in his classic, The Politics of Jesus:

In line with the personal appeal which has been so central in Protestant faith since Luther, even more since Pietism, and especially since the merging of Protestant existentialism with modern secular personalism — and even more especially since Freud and Jung imposed upon everyone in our culture the vision of man as a self-centered reacting organism — it has seemed quite evident that the primary message of Jesus was a call most properly perceived by an individual, asking the hearer for something that can be done most genuinely by an individual standing alone. Whether this something that he can do standing alone be a rare heroic ethical performance like loving one’s enemies, or a response more accessible to the common man, like sorrow for his sins, it is a response each individual can make only for himself. It has nothing to do with the structures of society.1

Consequently, a historical reappraisal of Paul’s doctrine of justification could help not only to provide a more solid basis for bringing faith to bear on social issues, but also to strengthen the continued development of ecumenical dialogue.

The key questions involve Paul’s view(s) of the law and the meaning of the controversy in which Paul was engaged. Paul strongly argued that we are “justified by faith in Christ (or “the faith of Christ”) and not by doing the works of the law” (Gal. 2:16b). Since the time of Martin Luther, this has been understood as an indictment of legalistic efforts to merit favor before God. In fact Judaism in general has come to be construed as the very antithesis of Christianity. Judaism is earthly, carnal, proud; Christianity is heavenly, spiritual, humble. It is a tragic irony that all of Judaism has come to be viewed in terms of the worst vices of the sixteenth-century institutionalized church.

When Judaism is thus cast in the role of the medieval church, Paul’s protests become veryLutheran and traditional Protestant theology is reinforced in all its particulars, along with its limitations. In hermeneutical terms, then, the historical context of Paul’s debate lies at the very heart of the doctrine of justification in the church.

Obviously an in-depth analysis of the Pauline corpus and its place in the context of first-century Judaism would take us far beyond the scope of this brief article. We can, however, quickly survey the topography of Paul’s thought in context, particularly as it has emerged through the efforts of recent scholarship, and note some salient points which may be used as the basis of a refurbished soteriology.

Judaism as Legalistic: The Making and Breaking of a Paradigm

Traditional Protestant soteriology, focused as it is on the plight of the conscience-smitten individual before a holy God, must be carved out of the rock of human pretentiousness in order to be cogent. Thus it is no accident that the Reformers interpreted the burning issues of Paul’s day in light of their struggle against legalism. “The Reformers’ interpretation of Paul,” writes Krister Stendahl, “rests onan analogism when Pauline statements about Faith and Works, Law and Gospel, Jews and Gentiles are read in the framework of late medieval piety. The Law, the Torah, with its specific requirements of circumcision and food restrictions becomes a general principle of ‘legalism’ in religious matters.”2

This caricature of Judaism was buttressed by such scholars as Ferdinand Weber, who arranged a systematic presentation of rabbinic literature.3 Weber’s book provided a wealth of Jewish source material neatly arranged to show Judaism as a religion of legalism. Emil Schürer, Wilhelm Bousset, and others were deeply influenced by Weber’s work.4 These scholars in turn have been immensely influential. Rudolf Bultmann, for instance, relied on Schürer and Bousset for his understanding of first-century Judaism.5

Weber’s interpretation of Judaism did not go unchallenged, however. The Jewish theologian Claude G. Montefiore6 pointed out that Weber had not approached rabbinic literature with sufficient sensitivity to its nature and diversity. Weber had imposed a systematic grid on the rabbinic literature and wrested passages out of context. The law in Judaism was not a burden which produced self-righteousness. On the contrary, the law was itself a gift from a merciful and forgiving God.

A second challenge came from a non-Jewish scholar, George Foot Moore.7 Moore’s treatment of Weber was even more devastating than Montefiore’s. Moore clearly demonstrated that Weber had little firsthand knowledge of rabbinic literature and in fact took most of his quotations from earlier Christian works against Judaism. He demonstrated Schürer’s and Bousset’s reliance on Weber and, like Montefiore, pointed out that rabbinic Judaism was not a religion of legalism.

This point was not sufficiently driven home, however, until the publication in 1977 of E. P. Sanders’ book Paul and Palestinian Judaism. A New Testament scholar with a good grasp of rabbinic literature, Sanders drove the final and most powerful nail into the coffin of the traditional Christian caricature of Judaism. Sanders’ extensive treatment of the Tannaitic literature, the Dead Sea Scrolls, and the Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha was designed, like the efforts of Montefiore and Moore, to describe and define Palestinian Judaism on its own terms, not as the mirror reflection of Christianity. Unlike Montefiore and Moore, Sanders has been immensely successful in convincing New Testament scholars. Sanders has coined a now well-known phrase to describe the character of first-century Palestinian Judaism: “covenantal nomism.” The meaning of “covenantal nomism” is that human obedience is not construed as the means of entering into God’s covenant. That cannot be earned; inclusion within the covenant body is by the grace of God. Rather, obedience is the means of maintaining one’s status within the covenant. And with its emphasis on divine grace and forgiveness, Judaism was never a religion of legalism.

Krister Stendahl: Paul’s “Robust Conscience”

The more we consider Paul’s writing in this context the less we see the acute psychological dilemma characteristic of the Augustinian-Lutheran interpretation as a whole. Krister Stendahl masterfully explores this in his ground-breaking essay “The Apostle Paul and the Introspective Conscience of the West.” Paul was certainly aware of his own shortcomings, but, Stendahl asks, “does he ever intimate that he is aware of any sins of his own which would trouble his conscience? It is actually easier to find statements to the contrary. The tone in Acts 23:1, ‘Brethren, I have lived before God in all good conscience up to this day’ (cf. 24:16), prevails also throughout his letters.”8Far from being “simultaneously a sinner and a saint” (simul iustus et peccator), Paul testifies of his clear conscience: “Indeed, this is our boast, the testimony of our conscience: we have behaved in the world with frankness and godly sincerity” (2 Cor. 1:12a). He was aware that he had not yet “arrived” (Phil. 3:12-14), that he still struggled with the flesh, yet he was confident of the value of his performance (1 Cor. 9:27). He looked forward to a day when “all of us must appear before the judgment seat of Christ, so that each may receive recompense for what has been done in the body, whether good or evil” (2 Cor. 5:10), and he anticipated a favorable verdict (v. 11). He acknowledged that his clear conscience did not necessarily ensure this verdict (1 Cor. 4:4), but he was confident nevertheless. These are hardly the convictions of someone who intends to rest entirely on the merits of an alien righteousness imputed to his or her account.

It may be countered that Paul considered himself the least of the apostles (1 Cor. 15:9a; cp. Eph. 3:8) and in fact chief of sinners (cp. 1 Tim. 1:15). But this is not the paradigmatic expression of humility and contrition, as if every Christian should regard herself more sinful than the next. Paul’s chief sin was that he had violently persecuted the church (1 Cor. 15:9b; cp. 1 Tim. 1:13-16). This confession is obviously concrete and historical — not subjective, existential, and universally comparable to every person’s experience. At any rate Paul had put all of that behind him and made up for his sordid past (1 Cor. 15:10); he did not languish in guilt. From what we know of his extant writings, he did not seem to experience the unrelenting introspection which became so characteristic of Western humankind after Augustine. Nor, many historians agree, could he have in his time and culture.9

All of this would seem to be at loggerheads with Romans 7, where Paul writes that “I do not do the good I want, but the evil I do not want is what I do” (v. 19). Is this not the despairing cry (whether pre-conversion or post-conversion) of a person smitten by a remoresful conscience? Stendahl reminds us that this passage is part of a larger argument about the law. In defending the holiness of the law Paul assigns guilt to Sin and the Flesh. But Paul does not simply identify the egō with Sin and Flesh. Verse 19 does not lead directly into verse 24 as a cry of despair, but into verse 20 which on the contrary exonerates the egō and blames the principle of Sin. Paul’s simple observation that a person often does what he or she knows is wrong serves to preserve the holiness and goodness of the Law. Stendahl writes:

Paul happened to express this supporting argument so well that what to him and his contemporaries was a common sense observation appeared to later interpreters to be a most penetrating insight into the nature of sin. This could happen easily once the problem about the nature and intention of God’s Law was not any more as relevant a problem in the sense in which Paul grappled with it. The question about the Law became the incidental framework around the golden truth of Pauline anthropology. This is what happens when one approaches Paul with the Western question of an introspective conscience. This Western interpretation reaches its climax when it appears that even, or especially, the will of man is the center of depravation. And yet, in Rom. 7 Paul had said about that will: “The will (to do the good) is there…” (v. 18).10

The growing consensus about the nature of first-century Palestinian Judaism and the agreement that Judaism was never a religion of “legalism” has generally been followed by the observation that whatever else Paul was protesting, he was not protesting self-righteous11 efforts to merit favor before God. Nor was Paul grappling with the Western question of the introspective conscience.

The tide of opinion has clearly turned against the Lutheran-Weberian interpretation of the role and function of the law within Judaism. Protestants can no longer assume that Paul was up against a legalistic Judaism which taught that salvation was to be “merited” or “earned” by self-reliance. Nor were Paul’s opponents against faith, grace, and forgiveness. The sticking-point of the Judaizing controversy must be located elsewhere.

If Paul was not protesting against legalism in Galatians and Romans, what is it he was up against? If Jews and Judaizing Christians also believed in faith and grace, to what did Paul object? These questions have proven more difficult for scholars. Montefiore suggested that Paul was contending not with the Palestinian Judaism which would evolve into rabbinic Judaism but with a colder, more pessimistic Hellenized Judaism of the diaspora in which God was more remote and less forgiving.12However, subsequent scholarship has not vindicated this thesis. Most scholars today agree that though there were differences between Hellenistic Judaism and Palestinian Judaism, the differences were not as great as Montefiore’s suggestion would demand.

 

E.P. Sanders: “Transfer Terminology”

Other solutions are even less convincing. For some, like Heikki Räisänen,13 Paul’s criticisms of the law are not only inaccurate but contradictory as well. They are to be understood not as representing a carefully formulated doctrine but as expedient arguments derived from his conviction that Christ is Savior of the world. Similarly, E. P. Sanders concluded that Paul worked backward from solution to plight rather than from plight to solution. If salvation comes to all, both Jews and Gentiles, through Christ, then it cannot come through the law.

This approach certainly places more emphasis on the nature of the Judaizing conflict as a Jew/Gentile issue rather than a philosophical debate about human nature and divine sovereignty. Sanders writes, for instance:

The dispute in Galatians is not about “doing” as such. Neither of the opposing factions saw the requirement of “doing” to be a denial of faith. When Paul makes requirements of his converts, he does not think that he has denied faith, and there is no reason to think that Jewish Christians who specified different requirements denied faith. The supposed conflict between “doing” as such and “faith” as such is simply not present in Galatians. What was at stake was not a way of life summarized by the word “trust” versus a mode of life summarized by “requirements,” but whether or not the requirement for membership in the Israel of God would result in there being “neither Jew nor Greek.” …There was no dispute over the necessity to trust God and have faith in Christ. The dispute was about whether or not one had to be Jewish.14

For Sanders the language of justification is “transfer terminology.” To be justified is to enter into the covenant people. The distinction between “getting in” and “staying in” is important in this regard. The debate between “faith” and “law,” he writes, is a debate about entry requirements, not about life subsequent to conversion. The law is excluded as an entry requirement into the body of those who will be saved; entrance must be by faith apart from the law. Once Gentiles are “in,” however, they must behave appropriately and fulfill the law in order to retain their status. Elements of the law which create social distinctions between Jews and Gentiles — circumcision, Sabbath-keeping, food laws — also have to be discarded, even though Paul never sought a rational explanation for such a selective use of the law.

Thus in Sanders’ view Paul’s letters do not provide a consistent view of the law. Paul’s central conviction — the universal aspects of christology and soteriology, and Christian behavior — led Paul to give different answers about the law, depending on the question. “When the topic changes, what he says about the law also changes.”15 When the topic is entrance requirements, the law is excluded. When the topic is behavior, the law is to be fulfilled. The arguments to which Paul is driven to defend these answers are construed as less consistent yet.

James D.G. Dunn: “The Works of the Law”

At this point the corrective work of James D. G. Dunn becomes critical to fully appreciating Sanders’ reconstruction of Palestinian Judaism and making good sense of Paul at the same time.16 It was in fact Dunn who coined the term “the new perspective on Paul” in his landmark 1982 Manson Memorial Lecture.17

Dunn demonstrates that the language of justification is not just “transfer terminology.” There are ongoing and future elements of justification as well as the initial act of acceptance. “‘To be justified’ in Paul cannot, therefore, be treated simply as an entry or initiation formula; nor is it possible to draw a clear line of distinction between Paul’s usage and the typically Jewish covenant usage. Already, as we may observe, Paul appears a good deal less idiosyncratic and arbitrary than Sanders alleges.”18

Also unlike Sanders, Dunn provides a coherent framework for both Paul’s positive statements about the law and his negative statements. It was not the law itself which Paul criticized, but rather its misuse as a social barrier. This misuse of the law is what Paul means by the term “the works of the law”:

‘Works of law’, ‘works of the law’ are nowhere understood here, either by his Jewish interlocutors or by Paul himself, as works which earn God’s favor, as merit-amassing observances. They are rather seen as badges: they are simply what membership of the covenant people involves, what mark out the Jews as God’s people;…in other words, Paul has in view precisely what Sanders calls ‘covenantal nomism.’ And what he denies is that God’s justification depends on ‘covenantal nomism,’ that God’s grace extends only to those who wear the badge of the covenant.19

The “badges” or “works” particularly at issue were those of circumcision and food laws, not simply human efforts to do good. The ramifications of this observation for traditional Protestantism are far-reaching:

More important for Reformation exegesis is the corollary that ‘works of the law’ do not mean ‘good works’ in general, ‘good works’ in the sense disparaged by the heirs of Luther, works in the sense of achievement….In short, once again Paul seems much less a man of sixteenth-century Europe and much more firmly in touch with the reality of first-century Judaism than many have thought.20

Dunn also emphasizes the ramifications for the traditional dichotomy between faith and works:

We should not let our grasp of Paul’s reasoning slip back into the old distinction between faith and works in general, between faith and ‘good works’. Paul is not arguing here for a concept of faith which is totally passive because it fears to become a ‘work’. It is the demand for a particular work as the necessary expression of faith which he denies.21

 

N.T. Wright: “The Righteousness of God”

More recently, N.T. Wright has made a significant contribution in his little book, What Saint PaulReally Said.22 Wright’s focus is the gospel and the doctrine of justification. With incisive clarity he demonstrates that the core of Paul’s gospel was not justification by faith, but the death and resurrection of Christ and his exaltation as Lord.23 The proclamation of the gospel was the proclamation of Jesus as Lord, the Messiah who fulfilled Israel’s expectations. Romans 1:3,4, not 1:16,17, is the core of Paul’s message to the Romans, contrary to traditional thinking.24Justification is not the center of Paul’s thought, but an outworking of it:

[T]he doctrine of justification by faith is not what Paul means by ‘the gospel’. It is implied by the gospel; when the gospel is proclaimed, people come to faith and so are regarded by God as members of his people. But ‘the gospel’ is not an account of how people get saved. It is, as we saw in an earlier chapter, the proclamation of the lordship of Jesus Christ….Let us be quite clear. ‘The gospel’ is the announcement of Jesus’ lordship, which works with power to bring people into the family of Abraham, now redefined around Jesus Christ and characterized solely by faith in him. ‘Justification’ is the doctrine which insists that all those who have this faith belong as full members of this family, on this basis and no other.25

Wright brings us to this point by showing what “justification” would have meant in Paul’s Jewish context, bound up as it was in law-court terminology, eschatology, and God’s faithfulness to God’s covenant.

Specifically, Wright explodes the myth that the pre-Christian Saul was a pious, proto-Pelagian moralist seeking to earn his individual passage into heaven. Wright capitalizes on Paul’s autobiographical confessions to paint rather a picture of a zealous Jewish nationalist whose driving concern was to cleanse Israel of Gentiles as well as Jews who had lax attitudes toward the Torah. Running the risk of anachronism, Wright points to a contemporary version of the pre-Christian Saul: Yigal Amir, the zealous Torah-loyal Jew who assassinated Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin for exchanging Israel’s land for peace. Wright writes:

Jews like Saul of Tarsus were not interested in an abstract, ahistorical system of salvation. They were not even primarily interested in, as we say, ‘going to heaven when they died’. (They believed in the resurrection, in which God would raise them all to share in the life of the promised renewed Israel and renewed world; but that is very different from the normal Western vision of ‘heaven’.) They were interested in the salvation which, they believed, the one true God had promised to his people Israel.26

When Saul became a Christian, Wright contends, he maintained the Jewish shape of his doctrine, but filled it with new content. The zeal of Saul the Pharisee was now the zeal of Paul the Apostle; God’s covenant faithfulness (righteousness) with regard to the covenant people was indeed fulfilled, in the death and resurrection of Jesus the Messiah.

Wright maintains that as a Christian, Paul continued to challenge paganism by taking the moral high ground of the creational monotheist. The doctrine of justification was not what Paul preached to the Gentiles as the main thrust of his gospel message; it was rather “the thing his converts most needed to know in order to be assured that they really were part of God’s people”27 after they had responded to the gospel message.

Even while taking the gospel to the Gentiles, however, Paul continued to criticize Judaism “from within” even as he had as a zealous Pharisee. But whereas his mission before was to root out those with lax attitudes toward the Torah, now his mission was to demonstrate that God’s covenant faithfulness (righteousness) has already been revealed in Jesus Christ.

At this point Wright carefully documents Paul’s use of the controversial phrase “God’s righteousness” and draws out the implications of his meaning against the background of a Jewish concept of justification. The righteousness of God and the righteousness of the party who is “justified” cannot be confused because the term bears different connotations for the judge than for the plaintiff or defendant. The judge is “righteous” if his or her judgment is fair and impartial; the plaintiff or defendant is “righteous” if the judge rules in his or her favor. Hence:

If we use the language of the law court, it makes no sense whatsoever to say that the judge imputes, imparts, bequeaths, conveys or otherwise transfers his righteousness to either the plaintiff or the defendant. Righteousness is not an object, a substance or a gas which can be passed across the courtroom. For the judge to be righteous does not mean that the court has found in his favor. For the plaintiff or defendant to be righteous does not mean that he or she has tried the case properly or impartially. To imagine the defendant somehow receiving the judge’s righteousness is simply a category mistake. That is not how the language works.28

However, Wright makes the important observation that even with the forensic metaphor, Paul’s theology is not so much about the courtroom as it is about God’s love.29

Wright then goes on to flesh out the doctrine of justification in Galatians, Philippians, and Romans. The “works of the law” are not proto-Pelagian efforts to earn salvation, but rather “sabbath [keeping], food-laws, circumcision.”30 Considering the controversy in Galatia, Wright writes:

Despite a long tradition to the contrary, the problem Paul addresses in Galatians is not the question of how precisely someone becomes a Christian, or attains to a relationship with God….The problem he addresses is: should his ex-pagan converts be circumcised or not? Now this question is by no means obviously to do with the questions faced by Augustine and Pelagius, or by Luther and Erasmus. On anyone’s reading, but especially within its first-century context, it has to do quite obviously with the question of how you define the people of God: are they to be defined by the badges of Jewish race, or in some other way? Circumcision is not a ‘moral’ issue; it does not have to do with moral effort, or earning salvation by good deeds. Nor can we simply treat it as a religious ritual, then designate all religious ritual as crypto-Pelagian good works, and so smuggle Pelagius into Galatia as the arch-opponent after all. First-century thought, both Jewish and Christian, simply doesn’t work like that….

[T]he polemic against the Torah in Galatians simply will not work if we ‘translate’ it into polemic either against straightforward self-help moralism or against the more subtle snare of ‘legalism’, as some have suggested. The passages about the law only work — and by ‘work’ I mean they will only make full sense in their contexts, which is what counts in the last analysis — when we take them as references to the Jewish law, the Torah, seen as the national charter of the Jewish race.31

The debate about justification, then, “wasn’t so much about soteriology as about ecclesiology; not so much about salvation as about the church.”32

Translating the doctrine of justification into contemporary terms, Wright notes with irony that this doctrine, which was principally concerned with unity and acceptance in the body of Christ regardless of social barriers, has been one of the most divisive doctrines in the history of Christianity, particularly between Catholics and Protestants who have traditionally interpreted it as a question of precisely how salvation is to be attained.33

He also draws out the social implications of a gospel in which Jesus is proclaimed as Lord over all things (including “politics”34) and which will not allow for a rugged individualism. “The gospel creates, not a bunch of individual Christians, but a community. If you take the old route of putting justification, in its traditional meaning, at the centre of your theology, you will always be in danger of sustaining some sort of individualism.”35 Hence Wright dismantles the artificial distinctions between spiritual piety and social concern.

Conclusion

Given the increasingly fragmenting state of biblical studies today it should come as no surprise that some Pauline scholars are not interested in synthesizing their findings with contemporary theology.Stowers writes, for instance: “If I challenge the historical accuracy of some standard interpretations of the letter [Romans], it does not mean that I intend to denigrate the contributions of its great commentators. But my purposes as a historian of early Christian literature differ from the purposes of the theologians and churchmen.”36 But those of us who want our theology to be at the same time cogent and biblical cannot settle for this approach. Instead we must ask how Paul’s original meaning, in its historical context, can be appropriated by contemporary theology. In so doing we affirm that New Testament theology is very much alive and a tenable undertaking in the twenty-first century; that the canon of Scripture has continuing relevance as an authoritative guide in matters of Christian faith.

The Judaizing conflict and Paul’s doctrine of justification which grew out of it continues to be relevant to our day. But we must recognize the relevance in analogy. Applying Paul’s polemic against Judaizing to any and all “good works” is not a correct appropriation of Paul’s teaching. True as it is that no one can “earn” salvation before God, that was not Paul’s point, and applying his language that way often involves unintended consequences.37

It is a hermeneutical truism that a New Testament text must be understood and appreciated in its context before it can be applied to that of the interpreter. Romans has been preserved for the benefit of the church, but it was written to first-century Christians living in Rome. The unity of the church at that time was threatened by ethnic and social conflict. The issues then at hand — circumcision, holy days, meat sacrificed to pagan idols — are no longer issues in the church. It must be asked, then, whether comparable issues currently exist. Our answer must be in the affirmative. We no longer fight over circumcision but we do fight over worship styles and a host of other issues. Even today Christianity is confused with culture and many are unable to distinguish between the substantial and the supplemental. Paul speaks to all of this by affirming that all cultural and ethnic groups stand before God on an equal footing and that we are not justified on the basis of peripheral issues. In this light, the Pauline doctrine of justification has less to do with the individual quest for righteousness and more to do with the sociological makeup of the community of faith.

Having said that, it is important to emphasize what such a contemporary doctrine should not entail. First, such a doctrine should not be construed as one of legalism, burdening Christians with lists of arbitrary requirements and detailed standards of conduct and enforcing compliance with the threat of hell. It is in this way that the message of the Reformation may be fully appreciated in the church today. For all of his exegetical oversights and doctrinal overreaction, Martin Luther’s protests against penance, indulgences, and other abuses were entirely justified. Good Christians with troubled consciences may seek reassurance in Luther’s message of the acceptance of individuals before God apart from the extra-biblical demands of ecclesiastical hierarchies.38 In short, a socially responsible doctrine of justification must not be characterized by the concept of “earning” God’s favor. Just because Paul was not up against that idea does not mean that it is acceptable.39

Second, we cannot reconsider the Christian doctrine of justification without grappling with the meaning of “righteousness.” We have already argued that righteousness is not simply the imputed merit of another. But our criticism of traditional approaches must go beyond that. Dunn argues against the Greek view that righteousness is an impersonal, abstract standard, a measuring-stick or a balancing scale. Righteousness in Scriptural terms, he argues, grows out of covenant relationship.40 We forgive because we have been forgiven (Matt. 18:21-35); “we love because” God “first loved us” (1 John 4:19).

That is the meaning of a socially responsible and ecumenical doctrine of justification by faith.

Endnotes

1 John Howard Yoder, The Politics of Jesus (Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans Pub. Co.), 1972, pp. 135,136.

2 “The Apostle Paul and the Introspective Conscience of the West,” in The Writings of St. Paul, ed. Wayne A. Meeks (New York, NY: W. W. Norton & Company, Inc.), 1972, p. 426.

3 Cf. Frank Thielman, Paul & The Law (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press), 1994, p. 25; E. P. Sanders, Paul and Palestinian Judaism: A Comparison of Patterns of Religion (Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press), 1977, p. 33.

4 Thielman, Paul, p. 26; Sanders, Judaism, p. 33.

5 Thielman, Paul, p. 26; Sanders, Judaism, pp. 39,42-47.

6 Thielman, Paul, p. 27.

7 Thielman, Paul, p. 28; Sanders, Judaism, pp. 33,34.

8 Stendahl, “Paul,” p. 429.

9 Cf. Stanley Stowers, A Rereading of Romans (New Haven & London: Yale University Press), 1994, p. 6: “The more one learns and understands about the world of the Roman empire and the Jews in the Greek East, the more difficult it becomes to imagine the Paul known from modern scholarship in that world. The Paul of traditional theological scholarship seems to have dropped directly out of heaven.”

10 Stendahl, “Paul,” p. 432. I would hasten to add that rather than start with the highly figurative Romans 7 I would prefer to take the clearer and less enigmatic Philippians 3 as my control text for interpreting Paul’s experience with the law and work into Romans 7 and other passages from there. When we take Philippians 3 as our starting point, a much different picture emerges.

11 The phrases “a righteousness of my own” (Phil. 3:9) and “their own righteousness” (Rom. 10:3) refer not to self-righteousness but the particular righteousness of Israel in contrast to the Gentile nations. Cf. James D.G. Dunn, Romans (Word Biblical Commentary 38; Dallas, TX: Word Publishing), 1988, 2.587,595; N.T. Wright, What St. Paul Really Said: Was Paul of Tarsus the Real Founder of Christianity?, (Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans Pub. Co.), 1997, p. 124.

12 Thielman, Paul, pp. 31-33.

13 Thielman, Paul, pp. 37-39.

14 Paul, the Law, and the Jewish People (Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press), 1983, p. 159. Similarly, George Howard writes about “the belief that Paul’s concern is with a dichotomy between works and faith. Works supposedly imply a system of merit in which a man is justified by keeping the law. Faith, on the other hand, supposedly excludes works by definition and belongs to a system of grace. Faith and works are considered to be opposite ways to righteousness and are in fact incompatible. As one has so clearly put it: ‘The whole matter is now on a different plane – believing instead of achieving’….But the coexistence of works of law and faith in Christ in Jewish Christianity suggests that the two are not absolutely incompatible from the standpoint of early Christianity. To argue that the law was done away because it demanded the impossible task of legal purity, and that to accept circumcision was to assume the obligation of this impossible task and to nullify the effects of faith in Christ is out of harmony with the facts. If Jewish Christianity practised the law while accepting faith in Christ Jesus as the way to salvation, how can it be said that the early church, including Paul, considered the two as mutually exclusive principles of life?” (Paul: Crisis in Galatia [Cambridge University Press], 1979, second edition 1990, pp. 51,52.)

15 Sanders, Paul, p. 143.

16 Cf. Jesus, Paul, and the Law: Studies in Mark and Galatians (Louisville, KY: Westminster/John Knox Press), 1990; Romans; The Epistle to the Galatians (Black’s New Testament Commentary;Peabody, MA: Hendrickson Publishers), 1993.

17 Reprinted as chapter 7 of Jesus, Paul, and the Law.

18 Jesus, p. 190.

19 Ibid., p. 194.

20 Ibid., pp. 194, 195.

21 Ibid., p. 198. Not surprisingly, Dunn has been criticized on this point, most notably by Stephen Westerholm (Israel’s Law and the Church’s Faith: Paul and His Recent Interpreters [Grand Rapids,MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans Pub. Co.], 1988) who focuses on Romans 4:1-5 with a view to preserving the traditional distinction between faith and “works” as human effort generally. Dunn’s response is that in Romans 4:1-5 Paul still has covenantal nomism in view (in keeping with the context) and that Paul’s play on words need not imply that his opponents believed in “payment-earning work” (Jesus,pp. 238,239; Romans 1.228,229). For another treatment of Romans 4 from the new perspective, seeAbraham in Romans 4: The Father of All Who Believe).

22 (Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans Pub. Co.), 1997.

23 Ibid., pp. 45,88,113,114,151.

24 Ibid., pp. 52-54,126.

25 Ibid., pp. 132,133.

26 Ibid., pp. 32,33.

27 Ibid., p. 94.

28 Ibid., p. 98.

29 Ibid., p. 110.

30 Ibid., p. 132.

31 Ibid., pp. 120-122.

32 Ibid., p. 119.

33 Ibid., pp. 158,159.

34 Ibid., pp. 153-157,164.

35 Ibid., pp. 157,158.

36 Romans, p. 4.

37 Cf. Wright’s statement that the “popular view of ‘justification by faith’, though not entirely misleading, does not do justice to the richness and precision of Paul’s doctrine, and indeed distorts it at various points….Briefly and baldly put, if you start with the popular view of justification, you may actually lose sight of the heart of the Pauline gospel [i.e., Jesus’ death and resurrection]; whereas if you start with the Pauline gospel itself you will get justification in all its glory thrown in as well”(Paul, p. 113).

38 Cf. James D.G. Dunn and Alan M. Suggate, The Justice of God: A Fresh Look at the Old Doctrine of Justification by Faith (Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans Pub. Co.), 1993, p. 8.

39 Cf. Wright, Paul, p. 116.

40 Cf. Dunn, Galatians, pp. 134-135; Dunn and Suggate, Justice, pp. 32ff.

Justification and the Righteousness of God in the Pauline Corpus

by Wan Chee Keong

Traditionally, dikaioumai, ‘to be justified’, has been understood in general as ‘to be put in right relation with God’. Arndt-Gingrich defines it: ‘to be acquitted, be pronounced and treated as righteous, and thereby become dikaios (righteous), receive the divine gift of dikaisunh(righteousness)’ (Cole, p. 80). It has to do with the individual sinner’s status before the holy God.

Dunn’s interpretation, however, is that ‘justification’ in Gal. 2.16 is ‘something Jewish’ and has to do with the covenant, to do with God’s chosen people. It is ‘God’s acknowledgement that someone is in the covenant’ (p.190), in particular, the acknowledgement that Gentile Christians, as Gentiles, are full members of the Elect (Gal. 3.28). Integral to the ‘people of the covenant’ is the fact of the corporate whole, the community. This interpretation comes from his understanding that ‘works of the law’ in Paul refers particularly, but not exclusively, to clean/unclean food regulations, circumcision and sabbath observance of the Law.

This essay is an attempt to examine whether Dunn’s radical interpretation holds in the extant letters of Paul. The obvious place to begin is of course Galatians, very likely Paul’s earliest letter where the word ‘justification’ is used.

Galatians
In this letter Dunn’s thesis seems to be confirmed by five pieces of evidence. First is Paul’s lengthy exposition of the Abrahamic covenant in 3.6 through 4.7. Justification has to do with who are the ‘children (plural) of Abraham’ (3.7). Those who belong to Christ are ‘Abraham’s seed’ (collective singular; 3.29). Justification is to ‘receive the adoption of sons’ (plural; 4.5; cf. Rom. 9.4); to be ‘a son’ (collective singular) and therefore ‘an heir’ (collective singular; 4.7). In all these verses it is the corporate dimension (viz. the people of the covenant) that is dominant, not the individual.

Secondly, 3.26-28 is highly significant. 3.26 may be translated as ‘faith-children of God in the corporate whole that is the Body of Christ’ (Cole, p. 109). Also in 3.29a the literal ‘if ye be Christ’s’ may be paraphrased as ‘if you are part of Christ’s body’ (Cole, p. 111). Again the corporate dimension is implied.

Thirdly, 4.17, ‘They zealously affect you, but not well; yea, they would exclude you, that ye might affect them.’ We need to ask: from what exactly did the Judaisers try to exclude the Galatians? The answer, in light of the context, seems to be from the company of the Elect, from membership of God’s covenant people.

Fourthly, we have Paul’s exposition of the two covenants in 4.21-5.1. Christians, both Jew and Gentile, are children of the ‘Jerusalem which is above’ which is ‘free’ (4.26); children of ‘(the covenant of) promise’ (4.28); children of the ‘free (woman)’ (4.31). They are, as it were, children of the covenant of freedom, though Paul does not use the term.

Finally there is the existence of the ‘Israel of God’ (6.16). ‘Israel is the covenant name of the elect race’ (Martin, p. 142). Inasmuch as there is an ‘Israel after the flesh’. So there is an ‘Israel of God’ that is the true Israel, God’s truly chosen people, comprising both believing Jews and Gentiles.

Acknowledgment of membership in the covenant is, however, not all there is to Justification. It is admittedly the primary aspect in Galatians. The traditional understanding of Justification as sins forgiven, acquittal and a right status, although secondary in this epistle, is nonetheless an important and integral aspect (see esp. 3.5,8,11). Even Dunn talks of ‘God’s verdict of acquittal’ (p. 194). Luther was not wrong after all. The truth of this matter of Justification is not a question of either/or but of both/and and what is primary and what is secondary in the particular epistle considered.

Two other secondary aspects seem to be intrinsic to Justification: live unto God (2.19) and life (3.21). In 2.19 Paul says ‘live into God’ is the result of being ‘dead to the law’. This death is through faith-union with Christ in his death (2.20). And the Christian’s righteousness is also through Christ’s death — in fact, the purpose of his death (2.21b). Therefore ‘live unto God’ is the result of, or is tantamount to, possessing ‘righteousness’. And in 3.21, ‘life’ and ‘righteousness’ are virtually synonymous. So ‘life’ may be the foremost meaning of ‘justified’ in 3.24. ‘Life’ to Paul is, of course, more than life as such (i.e. merely biological). In other words, to be justified, to be righteous in God’s sight, to have ‘righteousness’ is to live unto God, is to have the true life.

1 Cor. 1.30
‘But of him are ye in Christ Jesus, who of God is made unto us wisdom, and righteousness, and sanctification, and redemption:’
If we understand ‘righteousness’ as covenant membership it does not seem to fit in with the other terms, viz., wisdom, sanctification and redemption. It fits in well, however, if we understand it as a judicial right standing. So if we interpret the clause as ‘When we have Christ we have wisdom, right standing, holiness and release from bondage (i.e. freedom from the world and sin and evil)’, it makes good sense. Righteousness here therefore would mean primarily God’s declaration, through faith-union with Christ, that we are ‘in the right’ (legal status). It does not, however, exclude the nuances of declaration of covenant membership and election.

1 Cor. 6.11
‘And such were some of you: but ye are washed, but ye are sanctified, but ye are justified in the name of the Lord Jesus, and by the Spirit of our God’.

In view of the context of judges, law courts and the catalogue of sins (vv. 9,10) ‘justified’ would be the traditional understanding as forgiveness of sins, acquittal and ‘a right standing’.

2 Cor. 3.9
‘For if the ministration of condemnation has glory, much more does the ministry of righteousness abound in glory’.

‘Righteousness’ here is contrasted with ‘condemnation’; the primary meaning therefore would be acquittal/right status.

2 Cor. 5.21
‘For he hath made him to be sin for us, who knew no sin; that we might be made the righteousness of God in him’.

As the contrast is with ‘sin’ the ‘righteousness of God’ here would primarily, if not solely, mean the declaration of sins forgiven, acquittal and a righteous status. Alternatives such as ‘God’s covenant faithfulness’ and ‘covenant membership’ just do not fit in the context of the verse. The phrase therefore refers to God’s attribute rather than his activity.

Astounding as it may seem, Paul says we are declared as righteous as God! If humankind before the Fall was made in the image and likeness of God (Genesis 1.26,27) then the ‘righteousness of God’ given to the believer is but part of God’s programme of restoring humankind to the original condition of ‘divinity’.

The penal, substitutionary and vicarious nature of Christ’s death is quite clear in this verse.

Phil. 3.9
The third chapter this epistle begins with Paul exhorting the Philippians to rejoice in the all-sufficiency of Christ and to be wary of the concision, ten katatomen (3.1-2). It reminds us of those who would constrain the Galatian believers to be circumcised. These troublers of the Galatians Paul wished that they be ‘cut off,’ apokopsontai (Gal. 5.12), with the nuances that they be castrated or mutilated or like leeches be removed. In contrast, Paul assures the Philippians that they are the true circumcision, he peritome (3.3). They are the true ‘covenant people of God inheriting the promises made to ancient Israel’ (Martin, p. 138).

Likewise the recurrence of ‘flesh’ in 3.3-4 reminds us of the theological importance of the word in the Galatian epistle (esp. Gal. 2.16,20; 3.3; 4.23,29; 6.12). In Paul’s listing of his seven credentials for confidence in the flesh (3.5,6), Martin notes that four are his ‘possessions by involuntary heredity’ and the other three ‘by personal choice and conviction’. The latter corresponds to the nuance of human effort of ‘flesh’ while the former to the nuance of human relationship/physical descent (i.e. Jewish distinctiveness and exclusivity; see Dunn, p. 199).

Apparently the advocates of circumcision on Gentile Christians were pretty much active.

If Galatians was written from Corinth during Paul’s second missionary journey (Acts 18.1-18a) and after the Council of Jerusalem (Acts 15) c. 50 AD and Philippians during Paul’s imprisonment in Ephesus (Acts 19), c.57 AD, then the difference would be just six or seven years and the ‘concision’ party that Paul warns the Philippians about would be same people who ‘troubled’ the Galatians or of the same broad group. This may also explain why in both letters the emphasis is on ‘covenant membership’ in the doctrine of Justification.

In Phil. 3.9 Paul turns to ‘the future day of judgment’. What matters then is that he may be found ‘in him’, i.e., that he is united by faith to Christ. He contrasts ‘mine own righteousness, which is of the law’ with ‘that which is through the faith of Christ, the righteousness which is of God by faith’. ‘Mine righteousness, which is of the Law’ seems to mean covenant righteousness, that righteousness which comes from covenantal faithfulness, from compliance with the statutes of the Law, both moral and ceremonial.

The righteousness of God defined here is, as it were, an ellipse, the foci of which is the faith of Christ and the faith of the believer.

How then are we to understand ‘the righteousness which is of God by faith’ in Phil. 3.9? We have noted the uncanny similarity of the context with that of Galatians, which epistle is primarily about covenant membership. Further we may note Paul’s strong emphasis that believers are ‘the circumcision’, God’s covenant people in verse 3. So very likely ‘righteousness’ here signifiesprimarily God’s declaration that Paul is a member of God’s elect, a member of God’s covenant people on Judgment Day, although this includes forgiveness of sins and the juridical declaration of ‘acquittal/being righteous’.

The qualifier ‘by faith’, epi te pistei, shows that this ‘righteous’ status is received through grateful belief. It is therefore a gift from God. Hence the rendering of modern translations of ek theou dikaiosunen as ‘righteousness from God’ is not far off the mark.

The KJV’s rendering, ‘of God’, however, has the advantage that this gift of righteousness originatesin the righteousness, that is, the covenant faithfulness, of God, and is at one with the righteous (ethical) nature of God himself.

Rom. 1.16,17
The gospel as set forth in these two verses is, as it were, two pieces of a three-piece Chinese treasure box. The outermost box is the gospel ‘concerning his Son Jesus Christ our Lord’ (Rom. 1.1,3). Inside this is the second: ‘the power of God unto salvation’ and the innermost box is ‘the righteousness of God’, that is, Justification. Contra N. T. Wright, therefore, the gospel is surely as much about Justification by faith as it is about his Son. In Romans, to say the least, Justification by faith is the heart of the gospel.

What does Paul mean by ‘the righteousness of God’? At face value it must mean the righteous (ethical) attribute of God. But how can this justify sinners? This puzzled and troubled the guilt-ridden Luther. ‘He could not understand why the apostle Paul talks of the “righteousness of God” as good news’ (Tomkins). He pondered day and night until he saw the connection between the justice of God and the statement “the just shall live by faith”. Then it dawned on him that it is ‘that righteousness by which through grace and sheer mercy God justifies us through faith. Thereupon I felt myself to be reborn and to have gone through open doors into paradise’ (Shelley, p. 239).

If Luther had tried to understand the phrase as used in the Old Testament he would have arrived at the truth earlier. For in Isaiah (45.8-25; 55.6-13; 56.1; 61.10-11), Jeremiah (23.5-6; 33.15-16) and Daniel 9.16, ‘God’s righteousness is shown in making His people righteous…God must, by an inner necessity of His nature, do good to men: His “property is to have mercy and to forgive”’ (Dodd, p. 84). (Whist true, this has to be tempered by the absolute sovereignty of God, the seriousness and penalty of sin and his wrath toward sin.)

In Luther’s understanding, the core of the ‘righteousness of God’ is his grace and mercy toward the sinner. Justification would then mean primarily judicial declaration that the believer is ‘in the right’, is acquitted and has his sins forgiven. N. T. Wright contends, however, that the ‘righteousness of God’ in Romans refers to the ‘covenant-faithfulness of [Israel’s] God’ in which case Justification would mean primarily God’s declaration of ‘covenant membership’ of the believer. That is, it has ‘more to do with ecclesiology’. Contra Wright, however, if the ‘righteousness of God’ is the ‘power of God for salvation’ then the ‘righteousness of God’ has to do with soteriology and not ecclesiology. NEB also understands it as judicial/ethical, ‘God’s way of righting wrong’.

The emphasis in these two verses is on ‘faith’. Anticipating somewhat the interpretation in 3.21-23, ‘faith’ refers to both the faith of Christ and the faith of the believer. Surprisingly, the NEB margin is spot-on with its rendering of ‘from faith to faith’ as ‘It is based on faith (i.e. Christ’s faith) and addressed to faith (i.e. the believer’s faith)’ (NEB margin, parentheses mine).

Rom. 2.13

‘Justified’ here is in opposition to ‘have sinned’ and ‘be judged’ (v. 12), and in a context of ‘law’, ‘accusing or else excusing’ and the Day of Judgment (v. 14-16). It must therefore mean ‘to be judicially acquitted’, ‘in the right’.

Rom. 3.19-20
Paul’s teaching on the righteousness of God, justification and the Cross in Romans 3.19-26 is generally considered apart from its immediate context of 2.17-3.18. Romans 3.19-26, however, follows a lengthy critique of Jewish boasting and deeds of the law vis-à-vis Justification.

With verse 19 Paul reverts to the Law and the Jews. The Law tells the Jews that they are sinful ‘for by the law is the knowledge of sin’ (v. 20). With the Jews thus included in the company of sinners, ‘every mouth’ is ‘stopped and the whole world’ is ‘guilty before God’. From this Paul makes the very important assertion that ‘by the deeds of the law shall no flesh be justified in his sight’. This however is to state the truth negatively. He then proceeds to state it positively, but still in the context of the Law and the Jews.

Rom. 3.21-23

‘The righteousness of God’ (vv. 21,22): Morris’ definition seems to fit rather well in these two verses, ‘a right standing that comes from God and is the gift of God’ (p. 34). In view of the emphasis on sin in the preceding verses (1.18-3.20), summarized in 3.9, ‘both Jews and Greeks are all under sin’, and 3.23, ‘for all have sinned’, the righteousness of God as his covenant faithfulness to Israel is not at all prominent.

Paul begins with the thesis that the righteousness of God is choris, ‘without’, the law (v. 21a). Simon Gathercole observes that the New Perspective’s reading of this is problematic. It does not, as propounded by NP scholars, signify God’s acceptance of Gentiles. Rather, ‘Paul is declaring that both Jew and gentile must receive justification apart from works of the Law, because neither is in possession of such obedience. Paul parallels “apart from the Law” not with those who are “within the Law” (3.19) but with “through faith”: he contrasts the ways of receiving the righteousness of God, not who is receiving it.’

While Gathercole’s point is valid, nonetheless in view of the preceding context, especially verses 19 and 20 with the mention of ‘law’ and ‘the deeds of the law’, ‘without the law’ primarily parallels the ‘faith of Jesus Christ’, pisteos Iesou Christou (v. 22). Paul is thus contrasting primarily, but not exclusively, the bases or ‘grounds’ of the righteousness of God: i.e. the law/deeds of the law (v. 20) as opposed to the faith of Jesus Christ, rather than who is receiving it, in this matter of Justification.

Although ‘without the law’, the righteousness of God is ‘being witnessed by the law and the prophets’ (v. 21). Probably Paul means by this that the righteousness of God is both promised and expounded in ‘riddles’ and prophesied in the Old Testament Scripture (cf. Rom.1.2 and Acts 10.43).

So then, the ‘ground’ of the righteousness of God here in Romans confirms Phil. 3.9. It is an ellipse. The two foci are the ‘faith of Jesus Christ’ and all that ‘believe’. While Luther rightly emphasized the subjective ‘believe’ aspect, the New Perspective has helped remind us of the objective ‘faith of Jesus Christ’ aspect.

‘Unto all’, eis pantas, reinforces the interpretation of ‘the righteousness of God’ as primarily the grace of God which declares that believers are judicially ‘in the right’. KJV’s ‘and upon all’, however, is not in the DB/UBS Greek text.

In view of the preceding context of 1.16-3.20 and particularly 3.9, ‘both Jews and Gentiles, that they are all under sin’, the ‘all’ of verses 22 and 23 must mean both Jews and Gentiles. Verse 22b, ‘for there is no difference’ must likewise mean ‘no difference between Jews and Gentiles, whereas these verses have been traditionally understood to mean ‘everyone’. It really amounts to the same thing but it is crucial for us to realize that for Paul, in the life and death matter of sin and Justification the Jews have no prerogative; neither Jews nor Gentiles are at an advantage. It is, as they say, a level playing field.

Rom. 3.24-26

In the preceding discourse of 1.18-3.20, the wrath of God against sin, God’s judgment of sin on the Day of Judgment and Jewish transgressions of the Law, are prominent. The traditional Protestant understanding of justification in this passage as forgiveness of sins (especially v. 25: ‘the remission of sins that are past’) and the forensic declaration of a right status/acquittal with regard to the individual is therefore correct. Thus the righteousness of God must surely mean primarily the righteous attribute of God and the grace of God which forgives/acquits and declares righteous the sinner rather than the New Perspective’s interpretation as God’s covenant faithfulness, although this is also meant in view of ‘the faith of God’ not made ‘without effect’ by ‘the unbelief of some’ Jews (v. 3.3).

Justification is a gift of God due to God’s mercy (‘freely by his grace’, v. 24). This reinforces the idea of a legal ‘right standing’. ‘That it is a gift points to a forensic activity. God gives the status of being “right”’ (Morris, p. 34).

Paul understands the Cross as ‘redemption’, apolutroseo. ‘Redemption means the paying of a price to set someone free (cf. 1 Cor. 6.20; 7.23).’ It highlights ‘the costly nature of our salvation’ (Morris, pp. 71,72).

He also understands it as hilasterion (v. 25). The KJV has translated the word correctly as ‘propitiation’. Most modern translations regrettably do not understand it as such. This propitiation of God’s wrath (1.18) is effected through the death of Christ (‘his blood’) and appropriated by sinners through faith. The death of Christ is therefore a propitiatory sacrifice.

Referring to the Jewish sacrificial cultus and ‘the forbearance of God’ (v. 25), F. F. Bruce says, ‘Until the coming of Christ some token “passing over” (paresis) of sins might have been conceded in the forbearance of God, but now (nuni de) with the coming of Christ, the true and perfect hilasterion had been set forth.’

Jesus’ coming and in particular, his death on the Cross (‘at this time’), is the eschatological fulfillment of the ages in which God has acted to ‘declare his righteousness: that he might be just and the justifier of him which believeth in Jesus’ (v. 26). It is a time of the Crisis.

‘That he might be just and the justifier’, while declaring the grace aspect of his righteousness also shows forth his righteous attribute. Thus Morris writes, ‘when God saves, he saves in a way that accords with right.’ (p. 33), and ‘specifically we need to know that our penalty is paid and our acquittal brought about in a way that is right’ (p.71).

Paul says God’s righteousness is a declaration that he is ‘just and the justifier of him that believeth in Jesus’ (v. 26). In other words, the righteousness of God refers to both the righteous (ethical) attribute of God and his grace through which he forgives and imputes a righteous status to and on, the sinner. That both meanings are involved is also evident in the words Paul uses of God’s righteousness. The first is particularly emphasized in the word ‘declare’, endeixin (vv. 25,26) while both are equally stressed in the words ‘revealed’, apokalupetai (1.17) and ‘manifested’, pephanerotai(v. 21).

So, to know (in the heart) that God is righteous and justifies us sinners is to know his saving power (1.16) and to know Jesus Christ as Lord (1.4). This is the gospel. ‘The church stands or falls with Christ’ (D. Garlington). True, but it is in Justification that Christ and God’s saving power become ‘real’ and ‘powerful’ to us. Luther’s dictum is still correct: Justification is indeed articulus stantis vel cadentis ecclesiae.

Contra N.T. Wright, Justification by faith is therefore not a second-order doctrine. The ‘righteousness of God’ is to Paul the core of the gospel. ‘Gunther Bornkamm is an example of those who see justification by faith as central to Paul’s theology. He calls it “the basic theme in his theology”, and maintains that “his whole preaching, even when it says nothing expressly about justification, can be properly understood only when taken in closest connection with that doctrine and related to it”’ (Morris, p. 69 n. 39).

Rom. 3.27-31
From his exposition of the righteousness of God vis-à-vis God’s grace, the cross and faith, Paul asserts first, that ‘boasting’ is ‘excluded’. ‘Boasting’ refers primarily to the boasting of the Jew in 2.17-29: his ‘boast of God’ (2.17), his ‘boast of the law’ (2.23) and of circumcision (2.25-29); see Dunn (pp. 200,201). The NEB understands it as ‘human pride’ but this is quite off the mark.
It may, however, also include the boasting of ‘deeds of the law’ (3.20), implying works-righteousness. Simon Gathercole has shown that there is in first century Judaism ‘a firm belief in final vindication on the basis of works. Obedience leads to final justification (italics mine).’Also Charles L. Quarles posits that ‘Jews of the Diaspora with no access to the temple and sectarian Jews who had temporarily abandoned the temple sought atonement for sin through personal acts of righteousness rather than temple sacrifice. Motifs in Sirach suggest that even a leading scribe of Jerusalem, approximately 250 years before the destruction of the temple, substituted acts of righteousness for atoning rituals of the temple…When atonement for failure to observe the law is accomplished by compensatory acts of obedience to the law, works-righteousness, at least to some degree, seems unavoidable.’

What does Paul imply in the clause ‘boasting is excluded’? Most probably he implies that in this matter of Justification, ‘election’ as marked by possession of the Law, is of no moment at all; what is definitive is the law of faith, not the law of works. Instead of using the word ‘principle’ Paul uses the word law, nomos, because of the preeminent place the law holds in Jewish self-identity. The ‘law of works’ must therefore mean simply the ‘principle of the works of the Law’ and not the principle of generic works (i.e. religious and good works), as traditionally understood in Protestantism. In other words, where Justification is concerned, Jews have no advantage or prerogative over the Gentiles.

From this Paul draws the very important conclusion that ‘a man’, whether Jew or Gentile, ‘is justified by faith without the deeds of the law’ (v. 28). This reaffirms his assertions in verses 20-22: that deeds of the law cannot justify; that the righteousness of God is manifested without the law; and that it is by faith of Jesus Christ unto all them that believe.

With this very important conclusion Paul draws the corollary that the Gentiles will be justified as Gentiles. They do not need to become Jews through circumcision and observance of the works of the Law. This corollary is further supported by the fact that, first, if God is God of the Jews only it would mean there is another God of the Gentiles. God, however, is one. Secondly, God will justifyboth circumcised and uncircumcised by faith. (Incidentally, this verse teaches the future dimension of Justification; see Dunn, pp. 207,208.)

Rom. 4.1-25
In verse 5 God is described as ‘him that justifieth the ungodly’. In verses 7 and 8 the man whose ‘iniquities are forgiven, and whose sins are covered’, ‘the man to whom the Lord will not impute sin’ is considered blessed. In verse 25 ‘justification’ is set in contrast to ‘offences’. Justification and righteousness would therefore primarily mean ‘forgiveness of sins’. In view of the oft-repeated occurrence of logizesthai (translated variously by the KJV as ‘counted’, ‘reckoned’ and ‘imputeth’) the ‘acquittal/a right status’ dimension of Justification would seem to be particularly dominant.

Rom. 5.1-21
In verse 2 ‘the glory of God’ would mean negatively ‘without sin’ (cf. 3.23). In verse 6 we read ‘Christ died for the ungodly’, and in verse 8 ‘while we were yet sinners, Christ died for us’. Justification, righteousness and righteous are set against offence, sin, judgment, condemnation and sinners in vv. 12-21. Clearly Justification is to be understood as acquittal and a right standing.

Rom. 8.1-39
In verse 10, righteousness is contrasted with sin. ‘Justifieth’ (v. 33) is likewise contrasted with ‘condemneth’ (v. 34). Very likely therefore the same nuance is to be attached to ‘justified’ in verse 30. Again a juridical right standing is meant in these verses.

Rom. 9.30-10.10

In this passage ‘righteousness’ appears eight times; ‘God’s righteousness’ and ‘the righteousness of God’ once each. The words are associated with ‘saved’ and its cognates in the immediate context of the ninth through the eleventh chapters (9.27; 10.1,9,10,13; 11.25). Perhaps the key to understand what Paul means by ‘saved’ and hence ‘righteousness/God’s righteousness’ is 11.26,27: ‘There shall come out of Sion the Deliverer, and shall turn away ungodliness from Jacob: For this is my covenant unto them, when I shall take away their sins’. If so, then it would mean the turning away of ‘ungodliness from Jacob’ and the taking away of ‘their sins’, that is, the forgiveness of sins.

Another important aspect of ‘righteousness/God’s righteousness’ from the immediate context would be membership of the true Israel (9.6). It means being the children of Abraham, children of God, the elect, and God’s beloved people (9.7,8,25,26).

Tit. 3.7
‘That being justified by his grace, we should be made heirs according to the hope of eternal life.’

In view of the sins detailed in the preceding verse 3, the meaning of ‘justified’ here seems to be similar to that of 1 Cor. 6.11, that is acquittal/righteous status. Compare (a) Titus 3.3 with 1Cor. 6.9,10 and (b) ‘by the washing of regeneration, and renewing of the Holy Ghost’ of Titus 3.5 with ‘but ye were washed, but ye were justified in the name of our Lord Jesus, and by the Spirit of our God’ of 1 Cor. 6.11.

Conclusion

In Galatians and Philippians it seems that covenant membership is the primary, but not exclusively so, meaning of Justification. In Corinthians and Titus the traditional understanding as ‘forgiveness of sins, acquittal and a right standing’ is primary, but again not exclusively so.

In Romans, however, both aspects are conspicuously present, though the traditional understanding seems to be more so. Although Paul’s exposition of Justification by faith in 3.19-26 deals primarily with forgiveness of sins/a right status, the very Jewish immediate context of the passage (i.e. 2.17-3.18 and 3.27-31) shows that Justification as covenant membership is at the back of his mind. Furthermore Justification as covenant membership and the righteousness of God as referring to his covenant faithfulness are particularly obvious in Romans 9 through 11.

Luther might not have understood Justification fully and he might have even misunderstood first century Judaism but he was instrumental in the Church’s recovery of the all-sufficiency of the faith of Christ and the faith of the believer. These were undermined by the Church of Rome which taught that faith had to be supplemented by good/religious works and the Church’s mediation through its priests, monks and saints.

Luther’s exclusive focus on the individual/’acquittal’ dimension of Justification has resulted in the Protestants’ neglect of the ‘covenant’ and other aspects. At the time, however, there were circumstances that called for such particular emphasis. Luther’s age was one where the Christian psyche was almost wholly community-magisterial dictated, leaving no room for the self. The other was the wrong teaching, as mentioned, of the R.C. Church.

Wright’s understanding that Justification by Faith is actually the great ecumenical doctrine rather than that which divides Protestants and Roman Catholics is therefore faulty. It is questionable whether Roman Catholics, theologically, are truly members of God’s people when they are not taught and therefore are not aware of sola fidei, solus Christus, sola gratia and soli Deo gloria.‘Calling upon the name of the Lord’ presumes faith and faith is more than mere credence of Church dogma or Creeds. Faith, says Luther, is ‘God’s work in us’. It is God himself enabling us to repent and humbly and gratefully accept God’s grace. Such a one will have the ‘patient continuance’ to do good, to ‘seek for glory and honor and immortality’ (what Wright calls, ‘the totality of a life lived’) and thus be justified on the Day of Judgment (Rom. 2.7).

Dunn and Wright have rediscovered the ‘covenant membership’ dimension of Justification. Wright, however, has soft-pedaled the ‘putting to rights’ (soteriological) component of Justification in favor of the ‘covenant membership’ (ecclesiological) component. Both aspects are present in Paul’s epistles examined above, though not equally so in each epistle.

Finally, if I may use another metaphor besides the ellipse in this essay, Justification is a gold coin. The traditional understanding as forgiveness of sins/acquittal/a right status is one side of the coin and covenant membership, the other. And on its milled edges are the words “live unto God’ and ‘life’.

Bibliography
F. F. Bruce, The Curse of the Law
R. A. Cole, Tyndale NT Commentary on Galatians (IVP/Eerdmans)
C.H. Dodd, The Meaning of Paul for Today (Collins)

J. D. G. Dunn, Jesus, Paul and the Law (Westminster/John Knox Press)

Don Garlington, Review of Simon J. Gathercole’s ‘Where is boasting? Early Jewish Soteriology and Paul’s Response in Romans 1-5’

Simon J. Gathercole, ”After the New Perspective: Works, Justification and Boasting in Early Judaism and Romans 1-5“, Ph.D thesis, Durham University

Ralph Martin, Tyndale NT Commentary on Philippians (IVP/Eerdmans)

Leon Morris, New Testament Theology (Zondervan)

NEB: New English Bible (Oxford/Cambridge)

Charles L. Quarles, ”The New Perspective and Means of Atonement in Jewish Literature of the Second Temple Period”

Bruce L. Shelley, Church History (Word Publishing)

Stephen Tomkins, A Short History of Christianity (Eerdmans)

Biblical quotations are from the King James Version.

I would like to thank elder Khor Tong Keng, M.A., M.Div. for his comment on Luther which I have incorporated into this essay.

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